
University of Central Florida student Walter Clark, editing a sequence, Tuesday,
October 18, 2005, on his film, Beyond The Blacktop, a narrative based on Clark's
experiences from a race riot in St. Petersburg. (Joe Burbank/Orlando Sentinel)
Filmmaker’s work guided by the first time
he saw life in black and white
ST. PETERSBURG, Fla. – The
images were terrifying: Rocks being
thrown, police decked out in seldomseen
riot gear.The smoke and the
flames stood out the most.
St. Petersburg, literally, was burning.
But it wasn’t 1967, the year when
riots wracked Detroit, Newark and
even St. Pete’s neighbor,Tampa.
This was 1996.
It began Thursday, Oct. 24, of that
year – four years after Rodney King
asked the nation,“Can we all get
along?” After hip-hop had become the
sound of the nation. And not too long
before Bill Clinton, the white man in
the White House, would be labeled
“America’s first black president” by
Toni Morrison, one of the nation’s
most celebrated black authors.
This wasn’t supposed to happen
now, and certainly not here. St.
Petersburg was a quiet place, known
disparagingly as “God’s Waiting Room,”
a haven for retirees.
But like most of the riots of the
‘60s, the disturbance was ignited by
police action. In this case, it was the shooting of 18-year-old Tyron Lewis.
Police said Lewis tried to run them
over during a routine traffic stop. Before
he reached the hospital, he was dead.
Within hours, St. Pete erupted. News
clips from the time show a city
bewildered. Eleven people were injured,
a police officer was shot and about 20
people were arrested.
“They were tossing everything at us
but the kitchen sink,” St. Petersburg
Police Sgt. Denny Simmons told CNN at
the time. Police Chief Darrel Stephens
told the media it was “inappropriate” to
speculate on the reasons behind the
uprising.
Walter Clark, then 12, saw the images
from his home in Pinellas Point, a short
distance from downtown St. Petersburg.
Clark had grown up in the multiracial
neighborhood, and had attended
integrated schools.
He says he had never really thought
much about race. But suddenly here it
was, smack in his face.
Clark says most of the white kids
didn’t show up for school the day after
the unrest. And when he rode his bicycle
home from school and decided to stop
at a convenience store for a snack, he
came upon a scene he says he’ll never
forget:Two black men chasing and
cursing a white man.
When they saw him, the black men
told him he should treat white people
the same way, he says.
The experience shocked Clark to his
core. He was conflicted. Was he really
on the same side as these men just
because they shared skin color?
“I grew up sheltered,” Clark says,
adding that he and his parents didn’t
talk about race much.The only
conversations about the subject that
he really remembers are his father’s
warnings that he shouldn’t attend
parties where he would be the only
black kid.
“I didn’t pay him any attention,”
Clark says.
In time, the calm returned to St.
Petersburg. President Clinton sent his
housing secretary, Henry Cisneros, to
the city to promise millions of dollars
to revitalize government-owned
property populated mostly by some
of Pinellas County’s black residents.
The money never materialized, city
leaders and activists say.
Mindful of the need to restore
positive relations with the city’s black
community, the city promoted
Goliath Davis III, its highest-ranking
black officer, to police chief, a few
months after the riot.
Davis’ tenure brought important
changes in the police department,
says Omali Yeshitela, a black activist
who founded the Uhuru Movement, a
grassroots advocacy group some city
leaders accused of fomenting the
uprising.
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